Thursday, 23 February 2012

The Female Trinity in India-Similarities and Differences


THIS PAPER IS MOTIVATED BY SUNIL ALAGH’S ARTICLE IN MIDDLE PAGE OF TOI ON 23-02-2012

The Female Trinity in India-Similarities and Differences
In Indian Politics circa 2011 there exists a female trinity of CM’s with firsts-Mayawati(Bhenji)-The first Dalit-Woman CM of any state in India, Mamta Bannerjee(Didi) and Jayalalitha(Amma)-the first elected female chief ministers of their respective states.But there exists certain syndromes prevalent with all of them in their respective States.

 In the case of Mayawati there is what is called EPS(Eva Peron Syndrome)-I adorn riches to represent the poor.The fact that she is regarded as a symbol of dignity and political aspiration among lowewr castes in Uttar Pradesh is well known, what is also interesting is that she has built an alliance with the upper castes. Her party the BSP won a majority in the 2007 elections, her first such majority since 1991.Mayawati managed to attract support from a number of communities in these elections.She represented to this economically backward state a vision of empowerment to all.She selected candidates representative of the Brahmins, Thakurs,Muslims as well as other backward communities thus providing a common platform for the regionally dispersed but numerically significant backward communities as well as giving representation to the upper castes.What is further interesting is that she continues to be the darling of the oppressed classes while indulging in ostentatious celebrations on her birthday and allegedly having assets disproportionate to her income.

The conclusion of all this is the Eva Peron Syndrome-the diamonds that I adorn are to represent the poor.Even Ambedkar wore a three piece suit to become more acceptable to the upper castes.In UP the crying need is social acceptance of the lower castyes and she plays on this.

Mamta Bannerjee is cashing in on Poor Person Syndrome.In Bengal the issue is economic and intellectuial.The poor must not be exploited so she wears simple clothes/chappals and becomes one of them in their movement,known as “ didi”, she is a firebrand orator, this is well known, she is successful because she epitomizes the ‘simple living-high thinking’ motto of the Bengali People. Throughout her political life she maintained an austere lifestyle and never spent money on clothes, cosmetics and jewellery and slung a cotton bag on her shoulder. She has remained single throughout her life. A Masters in Islamic History, she can be considered intellectually a rung higher than Bhenji. Her success in WB politics is a contradiction of sorts, while she epitomioses the rif-raff in politics she also channelizes the “free intellectual” spirit of the Bengali People.

Controversial “deeds” of Mamta Bannerjee-
·         She was a College-going adult in the mid-1970s when politics in Bengal had begun to accommodate the riffraff. Uninhibited, she jumped up and danced on the bonnet of Jaiprakash Narayan's car.
·         At a private rally at Alipore in Kolkata, Mamata Banerjee wrapped a black shawl around her neck and threatened to make a noose with it.
·         In July 1996, she squatted at the well of Lok Sabha to protest against the hike in petroleum price, though she was a part of the Government. In that very time she clasped the coller of Amar singh, MP of Samajwadi Party, in the well of the parliament. In February 1997, on the day of railway budget presentation in Lok Sabha, Mamata Banerjee threw her shawl at the railway minister Ram Vilas Paswan for ignoring West Bengal and announced her resignation
·         On 11 December 1998, she controversially held a Samajwadi Party MP, Daroga Prasad Saroj, by the collar and dragged him out of the well of the Lok Sabha to prevent him from protesting against the Women's Reservation bill.
·         On 20 October 2005, she protested against the forceful land acquisition and the atrocities on local farmers in the name of industrial development policy of the Buddhadev Bhattacharya government in West Bengal. Benny Santoso, CEO of the Indonesia-based Salim Group had pledged a large investment to West Bengal, and the West Bengal government had given him farmland in Howrah, sparking protest. Despite soaking rain, Mamata and other Trinamool Congress members stood in front of the Taj Hotel where Santoso had arrived, shut out by the police. Later, she and supporters followed Santoso's convoy
·         On 4 August 2006, she hurled her resignation paper at the deputy speaker Charanjit Singh Atwal in Lok Sabha. The provocation was the speaker's (Somnath Catterjee) rejection of her adjournment motion on illegal infiltration by Bangladeshi's in West Bengal. 
·         In November 2006, Mamata Banerjee was forcibly stopped on her way to Singur for a rally against a proposed Tata Motors car project. Mamata reached the West Bengal assembly and protested at the venue
In Conclusion her success in Bengal Politics is a speciality of Bengali characteristics, she is a woman, austere to a remarkable extent, living in very simple circumstances, always willing to bring her and others emotions to a boil, despite representing the rif raff in politics she appeals to the intellectual spirit of the Bengali people.

Jayalalitha-The Secret of her success-She is known as ‘Amma’ and as Puratcchi Thalaivi-Revolutionary Leader.The secret of her success is her larger than life image and her Queen like behavior which is ridiculously arrogant by conventional standards.This goes well with the spirit of Tamil Nadu which encourages hero worship.She represents the MAS-Maharani Amma Syndrome-The Maharani will take care of her subjects from an exalted position.
Landmark”events”of Jayalalitha’s life-
 It wasn’t easy to step into the shoes of a man revered as ‘God’ by his supporters, but she did so with fortitude, fighting all the way “the crude, male-centric, sexist politics” of Tamil Nadu. In about 500 pages and 25 chapters, Tamil writer and journalist Vaasanthi portrays Jayalalitha’s journey with the empathy of a woman. Here we enlist some important teling events of Jayalalitha’s life

·         The budget session of the assembly in 1989 was a turning point for Jayalalitha. As an opposition leader, she said Karunanidhi had no moral right to be CM. All hell broke loose and she was manhandled, with some DMK members allegedly trying to pull at her pallu. There are photographs of her with dishevelled hair and tears in her eyes.

·         There was always this fear inside her that without MGR she was a nobody. She had been terrified of being alienated from him, but now she had overcome her fears. This led to overconfidence and made her go berserk during her first term as chief minister. The gigantic cut-outs, people falling at her feet, the controversial wedding of her foster son, the scams—all this happened during her first term. 
·         After she had faced humiliation in the assembly, she acquired the image of a wronged woman and used it to effect. During the next election in 1991, she told people that Karunanidhi was a Duryodhana and there was a Dusshasana among the legislators who had tried to disrobe her. The electorate responded by giving her a thumping majority. 
·         Her first term as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu resulted in several legal actions being brought against her, mainly involving charges of embezzlement and monetary fraud.
·         Survivor Queen-She once described her feelings with passion during an election campaign: “I stand before you having come swimming in the fire of life.”
Conclusions for TRIMURTI-Thus in a poor state like UP, one among us , yet above us-Bhenji, In an intellectual state like WB-free uncompromising-didi and in hero worshipping TN-Godess Amma.
Thus India is not one when it comes to elections.Success depends on local aspirations.Inspite of the similarities between the three
-single woman
-Individual based and led parties
-Control Freaks
Authoritarian leadership
They have limitations towards becoming national leaders.They would find it difiucult to win in each others states….Why?Whereas Maya and Jaya can afford to be corrupt Mamata has to be free of any stains.Mamata would be considered too much of a common person in UP or TN where the leader Nehru, Rahul Baba or Bhenji needs to be somewhat above same goes for TN.Though all three states need oratory, it is firebrand intellectualism in Bengal and Theatrics in TN.Masya aims to turn UP to Uttam Pradesh, tries to reform reservations and recruitment, thus in the “chaupal” like spirit of UP must be seen to atleast want to bring about a change , in TN and West Bengal, aiming for nothing short of revolution will do, although what happens in reality is a different matter.In UP the PMR-Poor Mans Revolution, In West Bengal the Thinking Mans Revolution and in TN The Leaders own Revolution.
Whilst at the macro level economic growth, national security, minority protection etc will play a key role, at a state level it is this micro analysis of inner need that will swing elections.They must perceive you to be the source of power that will uplift them physically and emotionally from their respective doldrum….

Saturday, 4 February 2012

Understanding Induction-my first lecture on behavioral economics at amsom


Behavioral Economics
Lecture ONE
These lecture notes are written by Dr Munish Alagh for a course on Behavioral Economics for AMSOM Semester VI

We start our study of Behavioral Economics with the concept of the Black Swan. What exactly is this concept? Well, it is a concept which underlies the limitation in our knowledge, and its fragility. It also illuminates the severe limitations of our learning from observation, or experience.
For a long period of time people were convinced that all swans were white, this belief was an unassailable belief as it seemed completely confirmed by empirical evidence.
Then, the first black swan was seen.
The sighting of the first black swan contradicts a general statement derived from a millennia of confirmatory sightings of White Swans.
The Black Swan is an event with the following three attributes:
First, it is an outlier, as it lies outside the realm of regular expectations, because nothing in the past can convincingly point to its possibility. Second, it carries an extreme impact. Third, inspite of its outlier status, human nature makes us concoct explanations for its occurrence after the fact, making it explainable and predictable (retrospectively though not prospectively.).
The small number of Black Swans started explaining everything in our world, as after the industrial revolution, the world started getting more complicated, while ordinary events, the ones we study and discuss and try to predict from reading the newspaper have become increasingly inconsequential.
Just imagine yourself to be somewhere in the early 80’s before the IT-revolution, think of how little your understanding of the world on the eve of the IT-revolution would help you guess what would happen next.
There is a combination of factors in the Black Swan: of low predictability and large impact. Infact there is predictability but retrospective not predictive predictability. This means that this combination makes the Black Swan a great puzzle. But, the real point is that we tend to act as if it does not exist! Not just me, you and your cousin Chetan, but almost all ‘social-scientists’ who, for over a century, have operated under the false belief that their tools could measure uncertainty.
Go ask your portfolio manager for his definition of ‘risk’, and odds are that he will supply you with a measure that excludes the possibility of a Black Swan-hence one that has no better predictive value for assessing the total risks than astrology. This problem is endemic in social matters.
The central idea here concerns our blindness with respect to randomness, particularly the large deviations:Why do we, scientists or non-scientists, hotshots or regular Chetan’s tend to see the paises instead of the Rupees? Why do we keep focusing on the minutae, not the possible significant large events, in spite of the obvious evidence of their huge influence?(Reading the paper decreases our knowledge of the world
).It is easy to see that life is a cumulative effect of a series of shocks. How often do things go according to plan? How often did sudden episodes of shocks come in the middle? Think of your own life, how often do things happen on schedule, even if you try to program life how often does it turn out that way? Look at your life both as a citizen of the world and as an ordinary person, In your life as a citizen of the world consider the technological inventions, the great events that have happened since your birth. In your personal life consider the road you have taken, your choice of school, college, university, place to stay? How often have things gone according to plan?
What you do not know.
Black Swan logic makes what you don’t know  far more relevant than what you do know. Consider that many Black swans can be caused and eacerbated by their being unexpected.
Think of the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001:had the risk been reasonably conceivable on September 10, it would not have happened. Fighter planes would have circled the sky above the twin towers, airplanes would have locked bullet proof doors, and the attack would not have taken place period. Something else might have taken place.What? One does not know.
Is’nt it strange to see an event happening precisely because it was not supposed to happen? What kind of defense do we have against that? Whatever you come to know(that NY is an easy terrorist target, for instance)may become inconsequential if your enemy knows that you know it.It may be odd that, in suchj a strategic game, what you know, can be truly inconsequential.
This extends to all businesses. Think of the ‘secret recipe’ to making a killing in the restaurant industry. If it were known and obvious, then someone next door would have already come up with the idea and it would have become generic. The next killing in the restaurant industry needs to be an idea that is not easily conceived of by the current population of restaurateurs.  It has to be some distance from expectations. The more unexpected the success of such a venture, the smaller number of competitors, and the more successful the entrepreneur who implements such an idea. The same applies to the shoe and book business or any kind of entrepreneurship. The same applies to scientific theories-nobody is interested in listening to trivialities. The payoff of a human venture is, in general, inversely proportional to what it is expected to be.
Consider the Indian Ocean Tsunami of December 2004. Had it been expected, it would have not caused the damage it did-the areas affected would have been less populated, an early warning system would have been put in place. What you know cannot really hurt you.
Experts and empty suits
The inability to predict outliers implies the inability to predict the course of history, given the share of these events in the dynamics of events.
But we act as though we are able to predict historical events, or even worse, as if we are able to change the course of history. We produce thirty year projections of fiscal deficits and oil prices without realizing that we cannot even predict these for next summer-our cumulative prediction errors for political and economic events are so monstrous that when we look at them we are shocked. What is surprising is not the magnitude of our forecast errors, but our absence of awareness of it. This is all the more worrisome when we engage in deadly conflicts: wars are fundamentally unpredictable (and we do not know it.)
Owing to this misunderstanding of the causal chains between policy and action, we can easily trigger Black Swans thanks to aggressive ignorance-like a child playing with a Chemistry kit.
Our inabilitry to predict in environments subjected to the Black Swan, coupled with a general lack of awareness of thi state of affairs, means that certain professionals, while believing they are experts, are in fact not. Based on their empirical record, they do not know more about the subject matter than the general population, but they are much better at narrating or, worse at smoking you with complicated mathematical models. They are also more likely to wear a tie.
Black Swans being unpredictable, we need to adjust to their existence
(rather than naively try to predict them). There are so many things we can do if we focus on anti knowledge or what we do not know.
Indeed in some domains-such as scientific discovery and venture capital investments-there is a disproportionate payoff from the unknown, since you typically have little to lose and plenty to gain from a rare event.We will see that, contrary to social science wisdom, almost no discovery, no technologies of note came from design and planning-they were just Black Swans. The strategy for the discoverers and entrepreneurs is to rely less on top down planning and focus on maximum tinkering and recognizing opportunities when they present themselves. So the author disagrees with the followers of Marx and those of Adam Smith:the reasons free markets work is because they allow people to be lucky, thanks to aggressive trial and error, not by giving rewards or ‘incentives’ for skill.
Learning to learn
 Another related human impediment comes from excessive focus on what we do not know: we tend to learn the precise, not the general.
What did people learn from the 9/11 episode? Did they learn that some events, owing to their dynamics, stand largely outside the realm of the predictable? No. Did they learn the built in defect of conventional wisdom? No. What did they figure out? They learned precise rules for avoiding Islamic prototerrorists and tall buildings. Similar was the case from the earthquake in 2001. People learn that they must avoid tall buildings and worse that the radio announces earthquakes in advance particularly BBC.
Many keep reminding that it is important for us to be practical and take tangible steps rather than to theorise about knowledge. The story of the Maginot line shows how we are conditioned to be specific. The French, after the Great War, built a wall along the previous German invasion route to prevent reinvasion. Hitler just
(almost effortlessly went around it. The French had been excellent students of history; they just learned with too much precision. They were too practical and exceedingly focused for their safety.
We don’t spontaneously learn that we don’t learn that we don’t learn. The problem lies in the structure of our minds: we don’t learn rules, just facts and only facts.
Our minds do not seem made to think and introspect; we use our brain on topics too peripheral to matter, we do much less thinking than we believe we do-except of course, when we think about it.
We remember the martyrs who died for a cause that we knew about, never those no less effective in their contribution but whose cause we were never aware of-precisely because they were successful.
Who gets rewarded, the central banker who avoids a recession or the one who comes to “correct” his predecessor’s faults and happens to be there during some economic recovery? Who is more valuable, the politician who avoids a war or the one who starts a new one(and is lucky enough to win)?
It is the same logic reversal we saw earlier with the value of what we don’t know; everybody knows that you need more prevention than treatment, but few reward acts of prevention.
Life is very unusual
Consider that in order to understand a phenomenon, one needs to first consider the extremes-particularly if, like the Black Swan, they carry an extraordinary cumulative effect.
Plato
What the author calls Platonicity, is our tendency to mistake the map for the territory, to focus on pure and well-defined “forms,”whether objects, like triangles, or social notions, like utopias(societies built according to some blueprint of what “ makes sense”), even nationalities.When these ideas and crisp constructs inhabit our minds, we privilege them over other less elegant objects, those with messier and less tractable structures.
Platonicity is what makes us think that we understand more than we actually do.But this does not happen everywhere.I am not saying that Platonic forms don’t exist.Models and constructions, these intellectual maps of reality, are not always wrong; they are wrong only in some specific applications.
The Bottom line
The beast in this book is not just the bell curve and the self-deceiving statistician, nor the Platonified scholar who needs theories to fool himself with.It is the drive to ‘focus’ on what makes sense to us. Living on our planet, today requires a lot more imagination than we are made to have. We lack imagination and repress it in others.
To summarise: the author sticks his neck out and makes a claim, against many of our habits of thought, that our world is dominated by the extreme and the unknown, and the very improbable(improbable according to our current knowledge)-and all the while we spend our time engaged in small talk, focusing on the known, and the repeated.This implies the need to use the extreme event as a starting point and not treat it as an exception to be pushed under the rug.He also makes the bolder(and more annoying) claim that inspite of our progress and the growth in knowledge, or perhaps because of such progress and growth, the future will be increasingly less predictable, while both human nature and social “science” seems to conspire to hide the idea from us.
Scalable Professions-Some professions, such as dentists, consultants, or massage professionals, cannot be scaled: there is a cap on the number of patients or clients you can see in a given period of time.
Other professions allow you to add zeroes to your output(and your income), if you do well, at little or no extra effort.
If you are an idea person, you do not have to work hard, only thuink intensely.You do the same work whether you produce a hundred units or a thousand. But this is not so for a baker:he needs to bake every single piece of bread inb order to satisfy each additional customer.
A scalable profession is good only if you are successful; they are more competitive, produce monstrous inequalities, and are far more random, with huge disparities between efforts and rewards-a few can take a large share of the pie, leaving others out entirely at no fault of their own.
One category of profession is driven by the mediocre, the average, and the middle-of-the road.In it, the mediocre is collectively consequential.The other has either giants or dwarves-more precisely, a very small number of giants and a huge number of dwarves.
The advent of scalability
Consider the fate of an opera singer at the end of the nineteenth century, before sound recording was invented.Say he performs in a small and remote town in central Italy. There is no way for him to export his singing, and there is no way for the big guns to export theirs and threaten his local franchise.
Now consider that the first music recording ruined the remote performer.
Books are also replicable so u8njust for remote talent.
Cinema rewards success
Globalisation has led to scalability, America leverages itself on idea generation.
In Mediocristan the particular instances will not affect the total-weight, calories.Wealth belongs to extremistan, a single value can affect.
In mediocristan a single event does not effect, in extremistan a single event can have an impact.Mediocristan is the tyranny of the routine, extremistan the tyranny of the singular.
Some near black swans are predictable.
INDUCTION
1)From specific instances  to general conclusions 2) Future given knowledge of the past 3)Properties of the infinite unknown based on the finite known. 4)Same hand that feeds you can wring your neck.5)some thing has worked in the past till it no longer does.6)mistaking a naïve observation of the past as representative of the future.7)Titanic.

The Philosophical Problem of Induction-
Skepticism-In ordinary English, a skeptic is:
Someone who habitually doubts accepted beliefs.
A person who mistrusts other people or their ideas.
Someone who rejects traditional beliefs, such as religious beliefs.
Philosophical Skepticism
Philosophers attach a far more sweeping sense to the idea of skepticism. A philosophical skeptic is someone who claims to:
Doubt that any real knowledge or sound belief about anything is possible.
Skeptical doubt is not ordinary skepticism.Someone may doubt that we will ever find out why the dinosaurs became extinct-and yet admit that some new evidence, some new growth in theoretical understanding, would help clear up the mystery. Such a person is not a philosophical skeptic. A philosophical skeptic argues that nothing can remove the skeptical doubt.
David Hume appears to have been a philosophical skeptic about induction.
Hume seems to be skeptical about every inductive reasoning whatsoever. But don’t people reason inductively? Yes, Hume seems to say, but that is just a habit.
Inductive reasoning can lead us back into the past: why did the dinosaurs become extinct? Why did you not speak to me yesterday?  It can lead us to the present, somewhere else: who is she talking to now? But most often when people think of induction, they think of inferring something about the future, from what we know at present.
People often argue that we can infer something about the future, from what we know at present, because we know that the future is like the past.
So, here is one picturesque way to start Hume’s problem:
How do you know that the future will be like the past?
CAUSE
One obvious answer to this question is that we know that present states of affairs cause some future events.
Hume is a philosophical skeptic about the very idea of cause.
His famous example of cause and effect involves two billiard balls:
Here is a billiard ball lying on the table, and another moving toward it with rapidity.They strike; and the ball which was formerly at rest now acquires a motion.This is as perfect an instance of the relation of cause and effect as any which we know by sensation or reflection.

It is evident that the two balls touched one another before the motion was communicated, and that there was no interval between the shock and the motion.
What do we have here? The two balls touched each other. Moreover,
The motion which was the cause is prior to the motion which was the effect. Priority in time is, therefore, another requisite circumstance in every cause. But that is not all. Let us try any other balls of the same kind in a like situation, and we shall always find that the impulse of one produces motion in the other.
Like causes always produce like effects. He calls this constant conjunction. But:
Beyond these three circumstances of contiguity, priority, and constant conjunction, I can discover nothing in the cause. The first ball is in motion, touches the second, immediately the second is in motion-and when I try the same experiment with same or like balls, i8n the same or like circumstances, I find that upon the motion and touch of one ball motion always follows in the other.
And that is all that Hume can find, in our experience, corresponding to the idea of cause and effect.
Experience
Hume then wonders whether we might have an innate sense of causation. He imagines “ a man such as Adam created in the full vigour of understanding,’ who has not yet had any experience. Adam would have had no idea what would happen when one billiard ball hit another. But as soon as he played with billiard balls, and acquired a sufficient number of instances of this kind, whenever he saw one ball, moving towards the other, he vwould always conclude without hesitation that the second would acquire motion. His understanding would anticipate his sight and form a conclusion suitable to his experience.

It follows, then, that all reasonings concerning cause and effect are founded on experience, and that all reasonings from experience are founded on the supposition that the course of nature will continue uniformly the same. We conclude that l8ike causes, in like circumstances, will always produce like effects.
Thus cause and effect cannot justify our belief that the future will be like the past, because the very notions of cause and effect are founded upon an assumption of uniformity. Yet cause and effect were offered as the basis for reasoning about the future! To repeat Hume:all reasonings concerning cause and effect are founded on experience, and all reasonings from experience are vfounded on the supposition that the course of nature will continue uniformly the same.
“The course of nature will continue uniformly the same” means, roughly, the future will be like the past.Where do we get the idea that the future will be like the past?

I will go further and assert that Adam could not so much as prove by any probable arguments that the future must be conformable to the past. All probable arguments are built on the supposition that there is this conformity between the future and the past…..

A Famous Circle
Could we justify our expectation, that the future will be like the past, from our previous experience? No that would be circular reasoning.
This conformity is a matter of fact, and if it must be proved it will admit of no proof expect from experience. But our experience in the past can be a proof of nothing for the future but upon a supposition that there is a resemblance between them.This, therefore, is a point which can admit of no proof at all, and which we take for granted without any proof.
Anyone who tries to argue that the future will be like the past, on the ground that past futures have been like past pasts, is arguing in a circle.
Custom
So why do we expect the future to be like vthe past? Because that’s how we are.We have some inductive habits.But we dcannot justify those habits.Reason cannot provide justificatuion.Reasoniong itself is based upon our habits and custioms.

We are determined by custom alone to suppose the future conformable to the past. When I see a billiard ball moving toward another, my mind is immediately carried to the usual effect, and anticipates my sight by conceiving the second ball in motion. There is nothing in these objects-abstractly considered-which leads to form any such conclusion: and even  after I have had experience of many repeated effects of this kind, there is no argument which determines me to suppose that the effect will be conformable to past experience.
It is not, therefore, reason which is the guide of life but custom. That alone determines the mind in all instances to suppose the future conformable to the past. However easy this step may seem, reason would never, to all eternity, be able to make it.
Hume’s overall conclusion is that, as a matter of custom or habit ( perhaps even as a matter of a sort of psychological necessity or “hard-wiring”) we do make inductions.We do expect the future to be like the past. But there is no justification in reasoning for this. It is just what we do.

Friday, 13 January 2012

Departures of behavioral economics from conventional economics -an overview

Because psychology systematically explores human judgment, behavior, and well-being, it can teach us important facts about how humans differ from the way they are traditionally described by economists. (Rabin,M.1998)
 We proceed with a detailed discussion of  departures of behavioral economics from conventional economics
  • Choices involving Preferences through Time:
  • Choices involving Preferences based on Social Motives:
  • Choices involving departures from Perfect Rationality:
  • Choices and judgement involving Uncertainty and Risk:

I.       Choices involving preferences through time-The first departure that is discussed  is-Caring about changes-Here to be noted the concept of “Reference-Points”-the point from which the individual makes the consumption decision. (Pindyck. R, Rubinfield. D,2006)
“A Person's preferences are often determined by changes in outcomes relative to her reference level, and not merely by absolute levels of outcomes. In particular, relative to their status quo (or other reference points), people dislike losses significantly more than they like gains.” (Rabin,M. 1998)

The core concept (Rabin,M. 1998)is the concept of reference level rt, determined by factors like past consumption or expectations of future consumption. Understanding that people are often more sensitive to changes than to absolute levels suggests that we ought incorporate into utility analysis such factors as habitual levels of consumption.Thus we summarise from Rabin “Instead of utility at time t depending solely on present consumption, ct, it may also depend on a "reference level”.
  •  The Psychology of Decision making-revisiting Reference Dependence-The validity of reversibility of preferences is brought into question by the growing evidence that people commonly demand much more to give up an entitlement than they are willing to pay to acquire a fully commensurate one.
(Knestch,J.1992) undertook two direct tests of the reversibility of indifference curves.The first used an experimental method, initially demonstrated by (MacCrimmon and Toda,1969), the first test empirically derives individual indifference curves between a single good, pens and money.The second uses a simpler incentive compatible experimental design to test reversibility between two Consumption Goods.
In order to show the concept of reference dependence, let us summarise the result of Knestch’s second experiment- where he endowed some subjects randomly with a mug, while others received a pen.Both groups were allowed to switch their good for the other at a minimal transaction cost, by merely handing it to the experimenter.
“If preferences are independent of random endownments, the fractions of subjects swapping their pen for a mug should add to roughly one.In fact 22% of subjects traded. The fact that so few chose to trade implies an exaggerated preference for the good in their endownment, or a distaste for losing what they have.” (Camerer, C.F et.al, 2006, page 15.)
Loss-Aversion-
“While the identification and measurement of how we feel about changes is an active area of research, one core aspect of our reference-based preferences is known to be crucial:
Loss aversion. The sensation of loss relative to the status quo and other reference points looms very large relative to gains. This has been identifed and emphasized in a great deal of experimental work. It is seen in the evaluation of losses and gains in money, and hence attitudes towards financial risk. And it is seen in the evaluation of loss and gains of consumer items, as revealed in the “endowment effect” – the fact that people who have randomly been given virtually any object will instantly value the object more than those who have not been endowed with the object.” (Rabin,M. 2002)

Time-Variant Preferences (Rabin,M.2002). People have a taste for immediate gratification. We procrastinate on tasks that involve immediate costs and delayed rewards such as mowing the lawn  and do soon things  that involve immediate rewards and delayed costs such as seeing a movie. Traditionally economists model such tastes by assuming that people discount streams of utility over time exponentially.
An important qualitative feature of exponential discounting is that it implies that a per- son's intertemporal preferences are time-consistent: A person feels the same about a given intertemporal trade-off no matter when she is asked. However casual observation, introspection, and psychological research all suggest that the assumption of time-consistency is importantly wrong. Our tendency in the short term to pursue immediate gratification is inconsistent with our long term preferences. While today we feel that it is best that we not overeat tomorrow, tomorrow we tend to overeat;
The behavior predicted by models of time-variant preferences often differs dramatically from the behavior predicted by the exponential model.Efforts at self-control are the most notorious examples., You may scheme to manipulate your future options because you may not like the way you will behave in the future.
You commit to do the task on April 14; you commit to do the task on April 15; or you wait until April 14 and then choose on which day to do the task. Which would you choose? The advantage of waiting is manifest:, if there are any uncertainties that may be resolved between now and April, by not precluding either of your options, the flexibility you have retained may be valuable. Yet we sometimes engage in behavior precisely to restrict our own future flexibility. You might want to commit on February 1 to the April 14 date if there were few uncertainties. You wish to restrict your future self from procrastinating given your current preference to do the task earlier. More generally, researchers have explored many self-commitment devices we employ to limit our future choices.
Forecasting Future Tastes and Needs-In behavioural economics one bias that is studied is the projection bias which is basically about the tendency to evaluate future consequences based on tastes and needs at the moment of decision-making.Whenever our actions have consequences in the future, then the accuracy of our forecasts will determine the quality of our decisions.Whatever we need in the future we will favour alternatives which provide that in the future,if we are hungry we will want to be fed , if we are thirsty we will prefer alternatives which will satisfy our thirst.
Evidence suggests that we are often biased in our forecasts of the future based on our needs at a particular point of time, we often project our current states of mind into the future, even if our current states of mind don’t necessarily hold in the future for e.g.-we may not be hungry in the future but we may favour those alternatives which provide food in the future.
Even those decisions that have only long term consequences may be affected by a temporary state of mind.For e.g., in controlled experiments that manipulate subjects hunger prior to grocery shopping those subjects who are hungry prior to shopping will tend to stock up in supplies to a greater extent as compared to those who are sated.
People also tend to underestimate their adaptability based on projection bias, certain events which might have a smaller impact or to which a person may be able to adjust much faster are predicted to have an impact based on an intensity which is according to current state of  mind.
II. Caring about others:
People Care about Fairness
                        1.         Example: the ultimatum game.
                                    a.         Two volunteers are told they are going to play a game and could win a total of $100.
                                    b.         The game begins with a coin toss, which is used to assign the volunteers to the roles of Player A and Player B.
                                    c.         Player A’s job is to propose a division of the prize between himself and the other player.
                                    d.         After Player A makes his proposal, Player B decides whether to accept or reject it.
                                    e.         If Player B accepts the proposal, both players are paid according to the proposal. If Player B rejects the proposal, both players receive nothing.
                        2.         Conventional economic theory suggests that Player A should know that if he offers $1 to Player B and keeps $99 for himself, Player B should accept it ($1 is greater than $0).
                        3.         In reality, when the offer made to Player B is small, Player B often rejects it.
                        4.         Knowing this, people in the role of Player A often offer a more substantial portion of the money to Player B.
5.      This implies that people may be driven by a sense of fairness.(Mankiw,G.2007)
Many people do things because they think it is fair and appropriate to do so.
Indeed, they sometimes help others for no apparent benefit to themselves
 (Pindyck. R, Rubinfield. D,2006)
III.Choices involving Departures from rationality :
Incoherent-Choices-Choices are supposed to reflect preferences, this idea is central to the theory of consumer decision-making as described in basic Economic Lessons.But according to some psychologists and behavioral economists, people, atleast in some situations do not make choices that reflect sensible preferences
Choice Reversals-Laboratory Subjects sometimes display behavior that violates what is known as- The Ranking Principle,this type of incoherent behavior consisting of circular choices is seen sometimes when laboratory subjects are confronted with certain types of choices.
Subjects were asked to make decisions involving two different bets in one series of experiments.The first type of bet was the type called-the low stakes bet, it involved a high probability of winning a small amount of money.The second bet involved a low probability of winning a larger amount of money.This was- the high stakes bet.The standard finding that was obtained was that people choose the more conservative A bet over bet B when asked to choose, but are willing to pay more for the riskier bet B when asked to price them separately.Joint and Separate evaluation of pairs of goods show another form of preference reversal(Hsee et al.1999;Hsee and LeClerc 1998).People will evaluate an item B higher than A when the two items are compared and priced at the same time, but will price or otherwise evaluate an item A higher than B when the two are evaluated independently. (Camerer, C.F et.al, 2006.)

The anchoring effect was classically demonstrated(Tversky and Kahnemann,1974) in the context of judgement rather than choice. This is a phenomenon that violates standard theory.It was demonstrated in the following way- the spin of a wheel of fortune that could range between 0 and 100 was shown to subjects and they were asked to guess whether the number of African nations in the United Nations was greater than or less than this number.They were then asked to guess the true value.Subjects’ guesses were strongly influenced by the spin of the wheel even though the wheel of fortune was absolutely random.As interpreted by Kahneman and Tversky, subjects seemed to “anchor” on the number spun on the wheel and then adjusted for whatever else they thought or knew, but adjusted insufficiently.As opposed to judgements as above anchoring effects have also been demonstrated for choices.Subjects were asked in one study whether their certainty equivalent for a gamble was greater or less than a number chosen at random and then were asked to specify their actual certainty equivalent for the gamble(Johnson and Schkade 1989).The stated values were again correlated significantly with the random value.
(Ariely, Loewenstein and Prelec,2003) in a study of anchoring sold valuable consumer products to a test population of post graduate (MBA)business students.Then an interesting experiment was conducted with these students, the students were presented with a product they were asked if they would buy it for the last two digits of their social security number’s dollar equivalent which is a roughly random identification number  required to work in the United States. These students were then asked what is the maximum they would be willing to pay.It was observed that these students had a pattern in their behaviour-those with high numbers were willing to pay more for their products, even though they were reminded that the pattern was random.
It has been pointed out by Tversky and Kahnemann that anchoring can occur as a natural part of the assessment process itself. The likely beginning point of an individual asked to construct a probability distribution for the level of the Dow Jones, would be to estimate a median level. For further probability assessments this value would likely then serve as an anchor. If she were asked on the other hand by somebody to construct the probability assessments by stating the likelihood of the Dow Jones exceeding a pre-specified value, she would probably anchor on this value. Different predictions are likely to result from the two procedures, with the first procedure yielding a probability distribution more concentrated around the median than the second. (Rabin,M. 1998)
A similar bias is The Hindsight bias. It is seen from the literature on the hind- sight bias  that people exaggerate the degree to which their beliefs before an informative event would coincide to their current beliefs. We tend to think we "knew it would happen all along." After an election has been won by a politician, people label it as inevitable. (Rabin,M. 1998)
Imagining what they would have thought without that information people don't sufficiently "subtract" information they currently have about an outcome.Even when they have better sources of information a pervasive fact about human judgement is that people disproportionately weight salient, memorable, or vivid evidence. Tversky and Kahneman (1973) discuss, for example, how clinicians' assessments of the relationship between severe depression and suicide may be distorted by salience. Incidents in which patients commit suicide are much more likely to be remembered than are instances where patients do not commit suicide. An exaggerated assessment of the probability that depressed patients will commit suicide is going to result from this.
There is a mass of psychological research according to which people are prone toward overconfidence in their judgments. It is argued by the vast majority of researchers that such overconfidence is pervasive. (Rabin,M. 1998)
Loss aversion mentioned earlier is related to the striking endowmnent effect identified by Thaler (1980): A person immediately values a good more than before he possesses it once a person comes to possess a good.This phenomenon is nicely illustrated by Kahneman, Knetsch, and Thaler (1990).
“They randomly gave mugs worth about $5 each to one group of students………………..
Those who were randomly given mugs treated the mugs as part of their reference levels or endowments, and considered leaving without a mug to be a loss, whereas individuals not given mugs considered leaving without a mug as remaining at their reference point.”(Rabin,M. 1998, page 14.)
“A comparable phenomenon-the status quo bias-holds in multiple-good choice problems. “Knetsch and Sinden (1984) and Knetsch (1989), for instance, randomly gave students either candy bars or decorated mugs. Later, each student was offered the opportunity to exchange her gift for the other one-a mug for a candy bar or vice versa. Ninety percent of both mug-owners and candy-owners chose not to trade,…the different behavior for the two groups of subjects presumably reflected preferences that were induced by the initial allocation.”(Rabin,M.1998, page 14-15.)
Another important reference-level effect is diminishing sensitivity: Changes close to one's reference level have greater marginal effects in perceived well being than for changes further away.
“We are more likely to discriminate between 30 degree and 6 degree changes in room temperature than between 23 degree and 26 degree changes. While people are likely to be risk averse over gains, they are often, risk-loving over losses. Kahneman and Tversky (1979) found that 70 percent of subjects report that they would prefer a 3/4 chance of losing nothing and 1/4 chance of losing $6,000 to a 2/4 chance of losing nothing and 1/4 chance each of losing $4,000 or $2,000. The responses of 70 per- cent of the subjects are inconsistent with the standard concavity assumption.” (Rabin,M. 1998, page 15.)
“Framing effect” which shows that the way choices are presented to an individual often determine the preferences that are “revealed”.There is a classical example of a framing effect which is the “Asian disease” problem in which information is given to people about a disease that threatens 600 citizens, these people are asked to choose between two undesireable options(Tversky and Kahneman 1981). There is a positive way of framing the problem in which
A-two hundred people are saved.
B-there is a 1/3 probability that 600 people will be saved, and a 2/3 probability that no people will be saved.
They are asked the question-which of the two programs will you favour?
A second randomly selected group is posed the question in a negative frame with the following two alternatives replacing programs A and B:
C-400 people will die.
D-there is a 1/3 probability that no one will die, and a 2/3 probability that 600 people will die.
Despite the fact that in terms of lives lost or at risk A and C, and B and D, are equivalent, most people choose A over B but D over C.
What explains these results? The salient information in the two frames are different, the positive frame emphasizes lives saved whereas the negative frame emphasizes lives lost. Whereas program A emphasizes saving lives for sure, program C gives the same information but guarantees death so appears comparatively unattractive.
.IV.Choices and judgement involving Uncertainty and Risk:The Laws of Probability: Prospect Theory-
Generally many people appear so risk averse that they prefer not to take even tiny shares of gambles even though they may have positive payoffs , however a risk averse individual in theory is always supposed to be willing to accept gambles with positive expected payoffs.Also this makes large financial risks taken by people imposible to explain.  In the 1970’s two psychologists Daniel Kahnemann and Amos Tversky provided an alternative to the standard ecomic theory of risk preference which was intended to solve puzzles like the above-Prospect Theory.(Kahneman and Tversky, 1979). Using prospect theory we evaluate an outcome based on the change in total resources. So, we judge alternatives according to the gains and losses they generate, relative to the staus quo.In this reference let us consider the property of diminishing sensitivity-when we buy a mug we do  probably care whether the price is Rs 5 or Rs 15 but when we buy a thing of expensive value do we care whether the price is Rs 14,430 or Rs 14,440?We are less sensitive to the difference in the second case because we are considering a larger change from the status quo.

beh-Eco:Cognitive Limitations and Rational Consumer Choice.

Cognitive Limitations and Rational Consumer Choice.

A.)Bounded Rationality

Humans don’t behave like rational beings potrayed in standard rational choice models. This comment on human behavior was potrayed by Herbert Simon, a pioneer in artificial intelligence, ie, instructing a computer to reason.

When we ourselves confront a puzzle we don’t reach a solution in a neat linear fashion. We search in a haphazard way for potentially relevant facts and information and usually quit once our understanding reaches a particular threshold. Our conclusions are often inconsistent even incorrect. Yet we come up with serviceable even imperfect solutions. We are satisficers not maximisers.

B.)Decision-making under incomplete information
It is not even rational to make fully informed choices. It is irrational to be completely informed. This literature has infact bolstered our confidence in The Rational Choice Model.
However another offshoot of Simon’s work less friendly to the rational choice model is that even with transparently simple problems people often violate the most fundamental axioms of rational choice. (Frank, RH, 2003)

C.)Framing
How a choice is presented decides the preferences that are revealed
Asian disease problem-Disease threatens 600 people, there is a positive way of framing the problem
A-200 people are saved
B-1/3rd probability 600 are saved, 2/3’rd probability zero are saved with an expected value of 200 being saved. The preference pattern seen is that 72% choose A-certainly
saving 200 is better.Majority choice is risk-averse.
Whereas another way of framing the problem is-
C-400 people will die D-1/3rd probability zero will die, 2/3rd probability 600 will die with an expected value of 400 dying.The preference pattern is that 78% choose D.Majority choice is risk-taking, certain death of 400 is less acceptable.
This is an example of Framing of Choice with risk aversion leading to inconsistent preferences.
·        Outcomes in Problem1 are described in terms of lives saved, problem 2 in terms of lives lost.
·        Choices involving gains are risk averse, losses are risk-taking.
This leads to inconsistent preferences. Despite the fact that A and C and B and D are equivalent in terms of lives lost or at  risk, most people choose A over B but D over C.”(Tversky and Kahneman, 1981)

D.) Assymetric Value Function
In Rational Consumer Choice we evaluate events on basis of overall effect on total wealth. Consider A-Unexpected gift of $100. B-Repair of broken water line on your property, invoice of $80. Net effect of $20-increase in wealth

But, Kahneman and Tversky say that people weigh each event separately giving less importance to gain then loss. A larger value in absolute terms to loss of $80 than to a gain of $100.(Tversky and Kahneman, 1981)

E.) Sunk Costs
According to Rational consumer choice Sunk costs should be ignored but according to Thaler(Thaler,1980), people ignore this principle rather than sunk costs.A pair of $200 shoes causes discomfort would you wear it or give it away, would your choice change if it was a gift. Either way you own them now and the only question is whether the discomfort they cause is serious enough to discontinue wearing them.People however are much more likely to abandon wearing them if they received them as a gift.

V. Judgemental Heuristics and Biases:

A.)Examples considered so far make it clear that even when people have facts on their fingertips they make mistakes, another difficulty of the rational choice model is we often draw erroneous inferences about what the relevant facts are. More important, many of the errors we make are systematic not random.
Three simple heuristics or rules of thumb we use to make inferences about the environment, which lead to large predictable errors even if they help us economise on cognitive effort.(Kahneman and Tversky, 1974)

Representativeness heuristic: What is the probability that person A (Steve, a very shy and withdrawn man) belongs to group B ( librarians) or C (salesmen)? In answering such questions, people typically evaluate the probabilities by the degree to which A is representative of B or C (Steve´s shyness seems to be more representative for librarians than for salesmen) and sometimes neglect base rates (there are far more salesmen than librarians in a certain sample).

Availability Heuristic: This heuristic is used to evaluate the frequency or likelihood of an event on the basis of how quickly instances or associations come to mind. When examples or associations are easily brought to mind, this fact leads to an overestimation of the frequency or likelihood of this event. Example: People are overestimating the murder rate in New York as compared to that of suicide if they can quickly remember reading on instances of murder. People tend to be biased by information that is easier to recall. They are swayed by information that is vivid, well-publicized, or recent. People also tend to be biased by examples that they can easily retrieve.

Anchoring and adjustment: People who have to make judgements under uncertainty use this heuristic by starting with a certain reference point (anchor) and then adjust it insufficiently to reach a final conclusion. Example: If you have to judge another person''s productivity, the anchor for your final (adjusted) judgement may be your own level of productivity. Depending on your own level of productivity you might therefore underestimate or overestimate the productivity of this person.